Introductory Write-Up for Report on “Gentrification and Inclusive City Development in the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area (GAMA)” 

 In the rapidly urbanising global south, and across much of the world, cities are the centres of innovation, job creation and economic development. These developments make cities net recipients of migrants, resulting in continuous urbanisation and a marked modification in the housing structure.  

Gentrification is a product of these developments. Although there is significant body of knowledge acclaiming the global nature of gentrification, urban research commentaries have generally avoided the temptation to generalise its effects, instead honing in on the complexities of the phenomenon and cautioning against oversimplification. 

It is argued by some that gentrification displaces people, and can at best be described as a product of the injustices of capital-driven redevelopment. Others observe it as a phenomenon which improves the quality of housing, contributes to the tax base, and revitalizes important sections of the city through private initiative, and that the displacement it causes, if any, is negligible.  

In spite of how the concept of gentrification is examined, the extant literature suggests that it often has some form of displacement effect on low-income urban dwellers and existing social structures. Consequently, understanding gentrification in the African context, and how it uniquely affects urban populations, has become increasingly important in driving inclusive city policies in Africa. Despite the need for the phenomenon to be explored in the African context, pre and post-apartheid political dynamics have attracted the attention of urban development researchers, making South Africa the preferred study location for most gentrification studies in Africa, thereby ignoring most parts of the continent.  

This study is therefore a direct response to the inadequate studies on gentrification in the West African sub-region, using the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area (GAMA) as an archetype. Relying on household and key informant’s interviews, the study characterizes the phenomenon of gentrification as it pertains in the GAMA. The key triggers, their unique effects and patterns, are sufficiently addressed in the study. To read more, click here: Gentrification and Inclusive City Development in the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area (GAMA) Report


Introductory Write-Up for Report on “Community Involvement Plan for Mineral Resource Development”  

The extractive industry, including mining and oil/gas projects, has experienced increased public scrutiny and criticism of the environmental, social and economic trade-offs being made as part of project development decision-making. The proliferation of the media has also allowed host communities to amplify concerns regarding the adverse effects of these projects, such that local and national events are publicized globally.

The opposition by local stakeholders results in non-regulatory barriers to developments, with severe consequences for the proponent (company) and government (regulator). When a project loses its social licence to operate, i.e., community stakeholders’ acceptance and approval, it creates corporate reputational challenges for the proponent, as well as loss of public confidence and/or support of government decision-making in respect of the development. The reason is often assigned to the loss of effective community involvement in the project decision-making process from the outset.

In Ghana, local community stakeholders have opposed natural resource development, while local regulators have largely promoted its economic benefits. The recent trend involves companies’ adoption of corporate social responsibility as a tool to gain the social licence to operate in local communities through the provision of economic and infrastructure benefits to the local stakeholders. These interventions, however, are achieved at the expense of local communities’ governance capabilities leading to local opposition to projects.

The development of the country’s oil resources, and the recent government decision to develop its bauxite resources, has generated a lot of public discourse about the impacts of mining. Therefore, this is a timely study exploring how mining host communities can effectively express their concerns during project development and operations, to ensure the incorporation of their needs into project approval decision-making. 

However, these communities cannot effectively contribute to mineral development governance issues without empowerment. The expertise of Good Governance Africa in strengthening governance issues would be beneficial to these communities. The primary objective of the study is the development of a model for optimal community involvement in decision-making in the extractive industry. The findings would provide a strong basis for promoting mutual understanding in the development of natural resources. To read more, click here: Community Involvement Plan for Mineral Resource Development Report



The Woman Factor – Elections and Gender Issues

Representation in participation matters. To many, this is the major reason for the campaign to have the marginalised and the excluded purposively brought forward in all discourse and discussion. Representation should not be tokenistic. Representation should be empowering. In the matters of women participation and women representation, it is a safe to say that some considerable progress has been made globally. In Ghana, the cultural prescriptions on the role of the woman has been cited severally albeit loosely to be the reason for the lack of women representation and participation in our body politic. For the full PDF click on the image.



GGA – WARO Election Watch 2020 

Overview Of Past 7 Elections In Ghana’s 4th Republic 

Any electoral process counts on the assurance that registered voters will opt to cast their ballot during the election day. It is for this singular mandate that the Electoral Commission of Ghana spends resources to compile a voter register to guide and regulate how Ghanaian citizens are able to cast their ballot in a free, fair and transparent manner. It is also fair assessment to say that political activism and campaigns are all geared towards whipping up enthusiasm from their support-base to turn out and vote. To read more, click here: Overview Of Past 7 Elections In Ghana’s 4th Republic Doc

Rethinking Urban Poverty and Inequality in Post COVID-19: Some Pointers for Policy Consideration in Ghana

The challenges that faced the implementation of the partial lockdown in the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area (GAMA) and the Greater Kumasi Metropolitan Area (GKMA) as part of measures to curb the spread of the novel COVID-19 virus have revealed how poverty and inequality in urban areas can undermine a well-intended policy. Consequently, there is the need for Ghana to rethink poverty and inequality in new ways and respond more effectively with own resources (see GARDA World, 2020). As the COVID-19 pandemic has revealed, relying on donor support for poverty reduction is not sustainable.

A Business Law Firm, Addleshaw Goddard LLP (2020), could not have put it in a better way by noting that, “for Ghana, the harsh reality reported within the United Kingdom, the European Union’s disparate and tardy response to its own Spain and Italy, and the political soap opera that unfolded in the United States of America between federal and state governments, further highlighted the need for adequate self-sufficiency, at least to the extent of being able to protect the … socio-economic welfare of the population.”

Many governments implemented a total lockdown as immediate solution to the control of the COVID-19 pandemic. Countries such as India used the lockdown to buy crucial time to do extensive contact tracing, ramp up testing and most crucially, prepare health system, increasing its healthcare infrastructure and preventing it from being overwhelmed, as it happened in Italy, the United States and Spain (Golechha, 2020: 1). In Ghana, the information Minister explained that the partial lockdown was needed to enable the government to provide assistance to health facilities to identify, contact trace and isolate cases for effective management (The Guardian, 2020).

The lockdown as implemented by many countries required limited movement, home-stay and social distancing. In Ghana, the President imposed a partial lockdown on the 28th of March 2020 to take effect on 30 of March 2020 for two weeks. As mentioned earlier, this was imposed on the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area and the Greater Kumasi Metropolitan Area. Residents in these areas were to stay at home as much as possible. The circumstances under which they could go out including looking for food and water, medicine, going to the bank and the use of public toilets and public bathrooms.

In addition, inter-city travels for private and commercial purposes were suspended. All intra-city travel vehicles were made to reduce the number of passengers to observe social distancing. During the lockdown, the government subsidized halved electricity costs for lifeline users and absorbed water bills for three months and also distributed food supplies to households in poor and vulnerable neighbourhoods to ease the effects of the lockdown (see Voice of America, 2020; International Growth Center, 2020).

Although the lockdown is supported by many countries, governments and World Health Organisation (WHO) as an effective strategy for containing the spread of infections, there were many challenges that came with its implementation. In India for example, the social distancing is said to be very difficult for many households, especially in slum areas; and for the daily-wage earner, he/she has to earn daily money to keep family alive. A long-time lockdown could lead to psychosocial difficulties for vulnerable population and consequently lead to stress, anxiety, frustration, boredom and depression and even suicidal idea and attempts.

In Ghana, there is evidence to show that the distribution of food in order for people, especially low income people, to stay at home cannot be said to have been very successful as many of the intended beneficiaries claimed to have been left out. Consequently, many of them could not stay at home. The argument was that they are “daily-income-earners” or what is commonly called “by-day-earners” therefore they need to go out daily in order to make ends meet as in the case of India and other poor countries. According to The Guardian (2020) millions of people living on the edge, working in Ghana’s largely informal economy, each day of the lockdown deepened their worries.

There is anecdotal evidence to support the view that the lockdown made life extremely difficult for the urban poor (International Growth Center, 2020). This claim is justified from the evidence that over 60% workers are in the informal sector. According to the Ghana Living Standards Survey 4 (GLSS IV) and the Ghana Shared Growth and Development Agenda (GSGDA) II, 2014-2017 cited in Anuwa-Amarh (2015: 13), available statistics show that informal sector’s share of total employment increased from 80.5% in 1987/88 to 88.6% in 2005/2006. The private informal sector is estimated to employ about 86% of the economically active persons. Therefore the informal sector is very important as this is the sector that hosts many low-income “by-day” earners.

Worst of all, observing social distancing as one of the protocols, was not effectively complied with by the many informal sector workers especially market women across many markets in the country. The steps that were taken to shut down some markets rather worsened the plight of many “by-day” workers many of whom are women household heads. The main reason has to do with the nature of their work. There is also evidence that some passengers ignored the social distancing protocols to be observed by private transport operators especially intra-city mini buses commonly called “trotro” because of limited supply of “trotro” during rush hours (myJoyOnline, 2020; GhanaWeb, 2020; Bonful et al., 2020).

These challenges have therefore revealed some pointers that justify rethinking of urban poverty and inequality as critical development issue and how this might be addressed. To effectively address this, there is the need to understand how these issues affected the implementation and enforcement of the COVID-19 protocols on social distancing and staying-athome. Unpacking the dynamics should help to approach poverty issues in more innovative ways. In order to understand the context of this argument, a review of conventional thinking about poverty will be useful. To read more, click here: Rethinking Urban Poverty and Inequality in Post COVID-19: Some Pointers for Policy Consideration in Ghana

COVID-19: The Ghana Case

The 23rd June 2020 marked exactly 100 days since the first cases of COVID-19 were reported in Ghana. Before the formal announcement (13th March 2020) of the first two cases in Ghana involving returning residents from Norway and Turkey, Ghanaians were already apprehensive given the awful news on COVID-19 around the globe. There was sustained pressure on the government to close Ghana’s entry borders and institute measures to possibly avoid an incidence of COVID-19 or curtail any possible spread should a case be recorded. However, since recording the first cases in March, the country has seen a sharp rise in infections across almost all its 16 administrative regions. The Greater Accra Region (capital – Accra), Ashanti Region (capital – Kumasi) and Central Region (capital – Cape Coast) have for some time been the hottest spots in infections. On 23rd June, 100 days since the announcement of the novel virus (SARS COV 2 or COVID-19), Ghana’s case count stood at 14,568 out of which 10,907 had been declared recovered and sadly, 95 officially declared deaths. Read more here 

Strengthening Inclusive Education in Ghana

Ghana’s education system is considered to be one of the most progressive in Africa. UNESCO Global Monitoring Report on Education for All lists Ghana as one of the three top performing countries in the world for reducing out-of-school populations by at least 85% over the past five years . Despite this remarkable progress in primary education, challenges still remain. Education stakeholders in Ghana note with concern that inclusion of children with special needs within the mainstream education system is limited and as such access to quality education remains a challenge for children with varied forms of disabilities in Ghana. The latest population survey for Ghana (2010) showed that 64% of children with disabilities are attending school compared to 81% of children without a disability and that 28% of children with disabilities have never attended school compared to 14% of children without disabilities . Teachers in Ghana struggle to teach children with special needs. Further, as a social issue, according to UNICEF, children with disabilities face great discrimination and stigma in Ghana than other groups . Many families hide children with special needs at home because having a disability is a shameful thing for the child and the family, as it is considered to be a punishment.

This paper is to respond to these identified gaps with regards to special needs education. The action dubbed GGA SEN seeks to contribute to equitable access to education for students with special educational needs within mainstream schools by providing skills, resources and materials for educators, parents/caregivers, healthcare providers and children with disabilities to achieve improvements in education, care and support of children with special needs as well in care and support for children with special needs) and affecting change in attitudes amongst the wider community. GGA SEN is focused around two Resource Centres acting as community hubs. GGA SEN will pilot this approach in order to inform future government policy and programming. The project will run for a period of 24 months in two Districts of Ghana.

GGA SEN combines the experience of GGA in both the education and disability sectors with the skills and experience of existing technical experts from amongst partner organizations from civil society, government, education and health sectors. In particular, GGA will engage MOE, GES, Ghana Union of the Blind, Ghana National Union of the Deaf (specialising in Deaf education and Ghana Sign Language, THT theatre group of people with disabilities that uses drama for public sensitisation, the National Paralympic Committee of Ghana (NPC Ghana) that effectively uses sport for social inclusion. Complementary initiatives such as the positive-parenting aspects of the work . This paper also discussed the effect of the COVID 19 on school closures and how this affects children with disabilities. Read more here: Strengthening Inclusive Education In Ghana – Final Report

Strengthening Inclusive Education in Ghana

Ghana’s education system is considered to be one of the most progressive in Africa. In 2004 the government introduced free compulsory education for the first nine years of school for all Ghanaian children with the initiative being increased to 12 years in 2017. Overall the country is considered to be on track towards achievement of universal access to primary education for both boys and girls. However, there are still challenges with addressing the needs of children with special education needs. In Ghana, Special Education, as a descriptive term, covers an array of possible conditions, ranging from learning disabilities and Attention Deficit Disorder to autism and deafness, and on to severe intellectual and physical handicaps, many of which are, in turn, on continuums of their own. How can the education system best serve this particular population of learners?

Identification of children for special education services has long been associated with socio-economic levels and ethnicity, a problem that education officials must be aware of and attempt to ameliorate since research shows placement in Special Education can have long-term implications for children well into adulthood. Probably the most critical – and debated – question is that of inclusion. Some argue that inclusion is not the best option for some categories, while others envision a system of total inclusion in which all children are served in the regular classroom. Special education students have special needs and how best to meet those needs in the general education setting is a challenge, one that research demonstrates not all teachers are rising to. This policy brief discusses the barriers to inclusive and special education in Ghana based upon a desk research conducted on strengthening inclusive and special education and the approaches to effective identification and community involvement.

Inclusive and special education is one of the seven pillars of the Ghana education system and as such included in the Education Strategic Plan (ESP 2018-2030). The target for Inclusive and special education under the ESP 2018-2030 is to “Improve access for persons with disability, the vulnerable and the talented”. Despite remarkable progress in special and inclusive education, challenges still remain. Education stakeholders in Ghana note with concern that inclusion of children with special needs within the mainstream education system is limited and as such access to quality education remains a challenge for children with varied forms of disabilities in Ghana. The world report on disability by World Health Organization (WHO) indicates that young people with disabilities are less likely to be in school than their peers without disabilities with the pattern being more pronounced in countries such as Ghana. The many barriers that hinder children with disabilities from accessing quality education in Ghana can be categorized under systemic and school-based problems as well as social and community related challenges. Read more here: Inclusive Education Policy Brief

Changing the Paradigm of Illegal Galamsey in Ghana

Small-scale mining activities in Ghana date back more than 2000 years, with evidence of gold mining as far back as the seventh and eighth centuries. It also accounts for the colonial name of the country “The Gold Coast”. Ghana is presently the second largest producer of gold in sub- Saharan Africa, only behind South Africa. However, this enviable position is bolstered by the returns from small-scale mining or galamsey. It is estimated that about 30% of Ghana’s total gold output is derived from the activities of an estimated one million small-scale miners, with most of them galamsey operators without any mining permits.

In Ghana, small-scale miners need a license before they can operate. However, majority of small-scale miners are operating in Ghana without any legal license. The activity, which has kept on attracting several thousands of local Ghanaians, particularly the youth, promises a quicker means of earning an income. However, in recent years and particularly in the last few months, the discourse of illegal small-scale miners in Ghana can be portrayed generally as highly negative and combative, focusing on the galamsey operators as lawless, irresponsibly destroying the environment and a security risk to the country.

The overall objective of GGA-WA’s research was to collect information on the socio-economic impact of galamsey operations, the current regulatory frameworks and the operations of small-scale miners in Ghana and processes and ideas needed to formalize the operations of galamsey in Ghana. Information for this research was collected through a combination of literature reviews and primary data collection utilizing a range of qualitative methods. Fieldwork for the research project was undertaken in three districts (Amansiie West, Atwima Mponua and Denkyembour Districts) of Ghana with records of small-scale mining. This process included informal interviews with miners, mining officials, government officials, and local community members.

Ghana has since 1985 formulated and implemented several laws and policies aimed at creating an effective regulatory framework for the mining industry. Up until this time, mining in the gold sector was not regulated, though diamond mining activities had been regulated through the Minerals Act since 1962. The primary laws were:

•The Additional Profile Tax Law (PNDCL 122; 1985);

•The Minerals and Mining Law (PNDCL 153; 1986);

•The Minerals (Royalties) Regulations (LI 1349; 1985,1987);

•The Small-Scale Mining Law (PNDCL 218; 1989) amended in 2006; and

•The Precious Marketing Corporation Law (PNDCL 219; 1989).

In addition, the Minerals Commission in 1986 as the primary institution to oversee domestic and international operations in the Ghanaian mining sector. Thus, in effect, small-scale mining had a regulatory framework from 1989. However, it is estimated that over 70% of those engaged in this enterprise are unregulated without permits and operate outside the framework set by the minerals laws. Small-scale miners’ inability to register has been attributed to the long delays associated with the licensing regime. On the other side, operating outside the law implies that they are not meeting the minimum standards for legally mining in Ghana and this has pitched them against the State in recent years. Read more here: Paradigm of Illegal Galamsey Policy Brief

COVID 19 – The Ghana Case 


23rd June 2020 marked exactly 100 days since the first cases of Covid 19 was reported in Ghana. Before the formal announcement (13th March 2020) of the first two cases in Ghana involving returning residents from Norway and Turkey, Ghanaians were already apprehensive given the awful news on Covid 19 around the globe. There were sustained pressure on the government to close Ghana’s entry borders and institute measures to possibly avoid an incidence of Covid 19 or curtail any possible spread should a case be recorded. However, since recording the first cases in March, the country has seen a sharp rise in infections across almost all its 16 administrative regions. The Greater Accra Region (Capital – Accra), Ashanti Region (Capital – Kumasi) and Central Region (Capital – Cape Coast) have for some time been the hottest spots in infections. Today (23.06.2020), 100 days since the announcement of the novel virus (SARS COV 2 or Covid 19), Ghana’s case count stands at 14,568 out of which 10,907 have been declared recovered and sadly 95 officially declared deaths. Read more here: COVID 19 – The Ghana Case Document

Decentralization For Effective Local Service Delivery in Ghana

A study towards deepening fiscal decentralization for effective local service delivery in Ghana

Evidence suggests that local governments are unable to provide high levels of public goods such as roads, electricity, sanitation, education, schools, health, and recreational facilities mainly due to their inability to mobilize adequate resources. There is however no consensus among policymakers, governments and scholars on how best to promote greater revenue mobilization by local governments and make adequate fiscal resources available to them to deliver services.

In the case of Ghana, part of the explanation to this problem is our inadequate understanding of how Ghana’s fiscal decentralization reforms work. Our inadequate understanding is also mainly explained by the processes and approaches used by many existing studies that do not give adequate room for the voices of the implementers of the policy. The need to deepen our understanding of Ghana’s fiscal decentralization reforms through the lenses and voices of the implementers of the policy has become apparent.

This is where Good Governance Africa seeks to contribute to this process by providing insights into how best to make Ghana’s fiscal decentralization reforms work. The major objective is to increase revenues to Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies (MMDAs) by addressing the key constraints in the fiscal decentralization process. Ultimately, the findings will help policymakers to design more effective policy tools to help MMDAs raise adequate revenues and increase productive public expenditures at local government level. Read more here: Fiscal Decentralization Document

Urban Poverty and our Collective Safety

Slums and Informal Settlements in cities across Africa – The Ghana Case

A publication by the Cities Alliance states that policymakers and leaders should see investments in the improvement of slums as investments in public health. If this statement was contentious at the time, it certainly will receive some credibility in this period of worldwide pandemic. The events unfolding since the breakout of the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic, especially in the developing world, are bringing back the debate on how the development of slums and informal settlements should be tackled. Local governments usually refer to these pro-poor urban settlements as illegal, which does not assist in achieving a desirable outcome.

In Ghana, a spotlight on some of these slums amid the fight against COVID-19 has revealed years of neglect of the poor and the most vulnerable city residents. Lacking basic needs such as shelter, food and water, slum dwellers have been found wanting in their ability to adhere to government’s decision to announce partial lockdowns to contain the spread of the deadly virus. In most instances, the urban poor, including slum dwellers, have gone against the executive instrument of the president of Ghana, His Excellency Nana Addo Danquah Akuffo Addo, to stay indoors with the excuse of either having nowhere to call a home or being afraid of dying from hunger. Years of neglect in terms of infrastructure of these run-down communities have thus contributed to situations that could best be described today as inhumane or a ticking time bomb. There have been many calls for action and support for the needy in such communities during this time of COVID-19, with the middle and upper classes fearing that if nothing is done to assist these residents, the entire nation will be at risk. Our collective survival therefore hinges on the steady improvement in the living conditions of all, but especially the poor and the vulnerable (particularly women and children).

GGA-WA is revisiting its research, debates and public engagements on the subject of slums and informal settlements. A summary of some of the policy recommendations from the GGA study on slums and informal settlements in Ghana is set out below:

  1. City authorities must not seek to implement forced evictions – this is to avoid a situation whereby already poor and economically disadvantaged residents in the urban centres are displaced without any alternative accommodation from the government (both central and local).
  2. Need for collaboration and coordination amongst stakeholders – there is the realisation of duplication of efforts of various stakeholders attempting to address the concerns of slums. Years of interventions have yielded limited results, hence the need to pull resources together and coordinate actions to achieve expected impacts.
  3. Improve the general economy to prevent the creation of new slums – while there are bold attempts at addressing development gaps in slums in our major cities, the government must take urgent steps to also develop rural areas to check the continuous migration of people from these communities. Economic development should be equitability distributed to help stop the creation of more city slums.
  4. Slum upgrading or redevelopment should be supported – slums that have existed for many years should be redeveloped to improve the living conditions of the urban poor. Since African governments have failed in their attempts to relocate urban slums, it is time to rethink forceful evictions and the categorisation of slums and other informal settlements as illegal. Instead, they must be upgraded or redeveloped to stem challenges such as COVID-19.

Read more from the research report titled, Slums and Informal Settlements Development Towards Making Ghana’s Cities Resilient Document


Economic Development Pathways for Local Area Development

Ghana currently has 260 districts under its local governance structure and these districts are to bring development closer to the people. The administrations of the districts, formally referred to as metropolitan, municipal and district assemblies (MMDAs), are the highest development authorities at the local level under Ghana’s 1992 Constitution. The decision to create these local authorities to oversee locallevel development was partly born out of the realisation that central government development interventions were inadequate to propel locallevel development consistent with the development agenda of the nation. Also, where these development initiatives were sometimes provided at local level before the introduction of decentralisation, they often did not meet the actual needs of the people. 

To deepen Ghana’s decentralisation agenda, and indeed make the MMDAs self-sufficient in providing local services and development, the ability of the districts in raising their own revenue must be enhanced. Under fiscal decentralisation, the MMDAs, aside from receiving statutory transfers from the central government, are to also raise enough revenue from local fees, fines and rates for development. The mobilisation of these local resources for development is, however, dependent on the economic vibrancy of a given district. Districts may have some comparative advantages in terms of economic activities that the MMDAs could promote or create enabling environments for local level investments. 

The GGA West Africa centre – with its commitment to promoting sustainable governance practices that have the potential of alleviating poverty at all levels of national development, particularly at the local level – is developing capacities at the district level to deepen local economic development. This intervention is seen as a progressive measure in alleviating poverty at community levels. Read more here: Economic Development Pathways Document  


Making Local Economic Development (LED) work in Ghana

Local Economic Development (LED) currently, has no unified definition and development practitioners, international institutions and researchers have diverse perspectives on LED. The different operational definitions on LED are influenced by the entities unique approach to LED. Globally, some organisations such as the United Nations describe LED as a locally-owned, bottom up process by which local stakeholders from the public and private sector and civil society work together to support sustainable economic development (UN-Habitat, 2016). Whiles the International Labour Organisation (ILO) also views LED as a participatory development process that ultimately leads to decent work (ILO, 2006).

Researcher and development practitioner, Bartik (2003), explained that LED is about local capacity building that strengthens small and medium-sized enterprises through skills building and networking for wealth creation. Similarly, according to Trah (2004), LED is a territorial concept and part of local development or regional management, specifically aiming to stimulate the local economy to grow, compete and create more jobs, by making better use of locally available resources. Among the research community, the different perspectives on LED emerge from their distinctive disciplines.

Despite the different views on LED, they all converge on some common characteristics. These common characteristics suggest that LED is a participatory and inclusive process drawing on multiplicity of actors and stakeholders within a territorially defined area and adopts a bottom-up approach to create room for local input into governance and decision-making, and whose purpose is to build entrepreneurial capacity, improve opportunities for economic growth and the quality of life of the local citizens. LED works towards achieving multiple Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

It is particularly instrumental in advancing SDG goal 11 (on making cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable) and SDG goal 8 (which aims at inclusive growth and decent work for all) (UNDP, 2015). The objectives of the LED process can be economic growth, business creation, employment generation, engendering innovation, or combinations thereof. LED is important and key to sustainable growth, poverty reduction and the elevation of indices of the wellbeing of people and the society. Read more here: Local Economic Development (LED) – Mini Report

The roles and responsibilities of metropolitan, municipal and district actors in Local Economic Development

Local governance has, since the 1990s, gained global importance in many developing countries. The flurry of national governments’ interest in decentralisation is driven by multiplicity of factors, including: the desire and commitment to improve the efficiency of public services delivery; managing the fast pace of growth of many emerging urban centres; and deepening democratisation and accountable governance at the local level (European Commission, 2007). More recently, there have been efforts, informed by institutional theories, to conceptualise and analyse the connections between institutions, local governance and economic development more generally (Gómez and Knorringa, 2016).

In this context local governance involves complex layers of interactions between real actors in close proximity with each other, and with private and non-state actors to make decisions that have Local Economic Development (LED) implications (Helmsing, 2001). This new form of decentralised local governance also resonated well with many countries that have been implementing local government reforms. However, LED requires a system in which local institutions are part and parcel of the processes of raising economic awareness, framing strategies, facilitating and generating collaborative, collective actions for a common purpose (Helmsing, 2001).

While many countries, including Ghana have been very successful at deepening political and administrative decentralisation, the verdict is mixed when it comes to fiscal decentralisation, a key component of local government reforms. Fiscal decentralisation is a key cog in the drive for greater government efficiency at the local level, particularly in local governments ability to collaboratively initiate, plan and strategise to promote LED (Mensah et al, 2017). This is so because, Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies (MMDAs) are the public entities with the mandate to ensure the holistic development of the communities and localities within their jurisdiction, and financial resources are important in this regard.

While many MMDAs have been successful with the provision of various social services, they have been unable to make their local micro economies work to create jobs, incomes and economic opportunities for the masses. As such there is the growing need to negotiate some form of transition from service provision to facilitation of broad-based local development, including local economic development at the local level in Ghana. Good Governance Africa (GGA) – West Africa Centre in Accra has therefore taken it upon themselves to train and empower selected actors in the MMDAs to first deepen their understanding of their economic development function and secondly to equip them with tools to better deliver on that mandate. Read more here: Local Economic Governance Brief


Research into Slums and Informal Settlements: development towards making Ghana’s cities resilient

Ghanaian cities like many of their peers on the African continent continue to experience fast growth in terms of their populations. This growing population puts enormous pressure on the provision of infrastructure and services, and the international call for cities to be resilient and sustainable could be lost on the continent if urbanisation is not properly managed. A major urbanisation development that threatens the resilience of cities is the phenomenon of slums and informal settlements. People migrating into Ghanaian cities without the means to afford the increasing cost of city accommodation tend to find their way to the most abandoned parts of cities and the result is the erection of makeshift structures as homes or shelters.

In the past three decades, there have been growing calls for government and other stakeholders to address the situation. There have been many attempts at forceful evictions as well as attempts to initiate affordable housing schemes for low-income earners, all of which have largely failed. The debate over the most appropriate way of addressing this threat to building resilient and sustainable cities in Ghana continues, with successive governments attempting to implement one policy or another. Recent natural disasters in cities like Accra, however, seem to be compounding the situation, with families and individuals who have lost their homes finding solace in the slums in the face of failed social nets.

This publication adopts a more qualitative approach to unearthing the dynamics in selected slums in the cities of Accra and Sekondi/Takoradi (a twin city). The voices of inhabitants are thus heard in the collection of views on a number of issues in city development and management. Policymakers, security agencies, academia, development partners and the general public will find this publication insightful. Read more here: A Research into Slums and Informal Settlements Document


Ground Zero – Ameliorating Strategies for Kindergarten Education in Ghana

Sharing the vision and understanding of Ghana’s government that every child needs to be educated as part of his or her fundamental human rights, GGA-WA, from its inception, has lent its support to the education sector.

Rightly so, the centre also shares in the belief that “the beginnings of a child’s life are formative, both prior to and after she/he has enrolled in school” but most of all at the kindergarten level.

The GGA-WA stance is not to start with a very grand approach to early childhood education, which cannot be sustained by either the government across the country or by the districts themselves, but rather to adopt simple but innovative ways of delivering quality education.

Ground Zero is, therefore, a probe into existing education policies and programmes that have not been effectively implemented, mostly in public schools.

The study then adopts verifiable techniques to offer early childhood in the most effective and appealing way as an alternative to the current system used in most public kindergarten institutions.

Findings from the research compares facts and figures between public and private institutions for a better appreciation of what the current situation is, and what could be done to improve it going forward.

It is a simple study that has proved useful for the implementers of education policy, especially at the lower level, and could be a guide for the process of transforming kindergarten education in the various districts in Ghana.

The research report in itself is GGA-WA’s contribution to the country’s decentralisation agenda and will support the proper devolution of the education sector among local governments.

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