On Saturday 16 January 2021, the Electoral Commission of Uganda (EC) once again declared President Yoweri Museveni and his National Resistance Movement (NRM) as the winners. He will start his 6th term as president of Uganda. Museveni is entering his 35th year in power and is the fourth longest-ruling head of state in Africa. Museveni won 5.85 million votes (58.6%), while the main opposition contender Robert Kyagulanyi, better known as Bobi Wine, won 3.475 million votes (34.8%). Museveni assumed power on the back of an armed uprising in 1986 and has defied the political laws of gravity which have seen other long-serving leaders removed from office.
Museveni’s rule, though controversial, has seen extended periods of peace and significant developmental changes. However, these positive developments have been accompanied by strong armed tactics to maintain his grip on power through various means such as nurturing a personality cult, employing patronage, compromising independent institutions and side-lining and silencing opponents.
After the results were announced, Bobi Wine, leading presidential candidate for the National Unity Platform (NUP), said that his party would initiate the relevant processes to challenge the election results. However, he has since been placed under house arrest by the security forces. Since 14 January 2021, access to Bobi Wine has been limited, including for his lawyers or journalists. The US Ambassador Natalie E. Brown was also denied entry to Bobi Wine’s residence after attempting to visit him on 19 January 2021. His lawyers have filed an application in the High Court of Kampala demanding that a public official deliver a valid reason for his detainment. In terms of challenging the election outcome, the law allows for 20 days after the release of the election results to apply to the Supreme Court for a legal remedy.
The campaigning period leading up to Uganda’s 2021 general election saw an unprecedented level of violence meted out by the security forces towards the opposition parties. Also, several opposition members were arbitrarily detained on different occasions, restrictions were imposed on foreign media, international election observation teams were limited, and on the eve of the election, an internet blackout was imposed. 17.5 million internet users were affected by the internet blackout and it cost the economy an estimated US$9 million. Social media remains blocked, while the internet has been restored.
Election day itself was relatively peaceful, with few instances of violence reported. There was agreement between both international and local observers about concerns over the heavy handedness of the state forces during the pre-election period. The East African Community (EAC) election observation mission stated that the election was largely free and fair, but listed some crucial election discrepancies that their team observed, such as the malfunctioning of biometric voter verification machines, internet shutdown and late delivery of voting material.
Dr Fonkam Samuel Azuu, the African Union Head of Mission, condemned the government’s decision to shut down internet during a time he believes was when citizens needed access to information the most.
The Citizens’ Coalition for Electoral Democracy in Uganda also noted that the pre-election period had seen many problems, and believed that many voters were not given the chance to interact with their candidates due to COVID-19, which left them ill informed.
A police officer sits on a car at the gate of the headquarters of National Unity Platform (NUP) in Kampala, Uganda, on January 18, 2021. Photo: Yasuyoshi Chiba/AFP
Although this election saw violence and civil unrest it cannot be written off as a completely illegitimate process. Local observers believe that election day was relatively well managed, with no significant incidents of rigging or ballot stuffing as some opposition representatives claim. Ugandans, for the most part, were able to exercise their right to vote, and the parliamentary results reveal that democratic processes can result in a change of leadership, in this instance, parliamentary. Bobi Wine’s NUP won 56 parliamentary seats with an opposition majority, while Museveni’s NRM lost 20 seats, including that of his Vice President Edward Sekandi. This development should give the opposition parties some sense of a victory, however small it may be for the moment. The NRM still holds the majority in parliament with nearly 500 seats. The NUP has replaced the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) as the leading opposition party in Uganda.
Voter turnout dropped by 10% from the 2016 election, with just 57% of registered voters coming out in this election. Voter education remained a major issue, as mentioned by local observers, as many civil society organisations and development partners were not given permission to operate prior to election day. Seven million registered voters chose not to vote, some may have feared that violence may break out, and others were poorly informed. The government must strengthen its partnerships with these civil society organisations, to improve voter education and thus voter turnout.
The opposition’s legal challenge to the election results could see the judiciary demonstrate their independence and take the case on its merits, rather than simply cowering to Museveni’s demands and dismissing the opposition’s application. If they rightly demonstrate their independence, it will only be the third time on continent where the judiciary has overturned a presidential election and called for a fresh election. I imagine the opposition is holding on to the idea that it is possible to trust the judiciary to be professional and independent. As this important legal precedent has found a footing in other African courts, it will be prudent to monitor the outcome of this Ugandan legal application, as it may be prove to be indicative of the consolidation of democracy and good governance in Uganda.
Deputy President of Uganda’s opposition National Unity Platform Mathias Mpunga says the party “rejects the announced results of the presidential elections”. Video: AFP
The 2021 election in Uganda has exposed electoral weakness that should be addressed if future elections are to be declared fair, free and credible. The following are concerns and that require attention in order to strengthen the democratic system and good governance in Uganda:
Improved Voter Education: Despite the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, the EC failed to implement favourable ways of promoting voter education. With such a young population, many of the voters were first time voters or ill-prepared second time voters. Better engagement strategies should be formulated, with the assistance of media, civil society and any other relevant organisation, to achieve a more inclusive and comprehensive approach to improved voter education.
Delayed Opening of Polling Stations: More effort should be made to ensure all polling stations open at the stipulated time. There were several reports of some polling stations only opening long after 07:00. While others opened on time, there were claims that not all polling stations had all the necessary voting material, or that voting material arrived late. This resulted in avoidable long queues, with some voters leaving the polling stations without casting their vote. The electronic devices are necessary to capture and verify details of voters before they can be issued with ballot papers.
Failure of Biometric Voter Verification Kits: There were allegations that some of the Biometric Voter Verification (BVV) kits used to identify voters were not operational, with some arguing it was due to the internet shutdown. This exacerbated the issue of late opening of some polling stations.
Slow Changing Political Landscape: While the opposition may not have won the election, there was some degree of the change in the political landscape, as we saw some candidates who due to their high-ranking positions as incumbent officials or their affiliation to the ruling party, expected to emerge victorious but failed. The election outcome saw several Ministers and the Vice President failing to match their previous election victories. A lesson from this victory for future political candidates is that elections seats are not guaranteed simply due to incumbency.
Lack of a United Opposition Front/Bloc: There were 11 presidential candidates participating in the 2021 election. The only form of coalition between the opposition leaders was in the election run-up, with Dr Kizza Besigye, who has run several election campaigns against Museveni, choosing to opt out of the election race and instead, to ally himself with Bobi Wine to help him gain more support. This lack of cohesion amongst the opposition saw them challenging each other in multiple constituencies, resulting in splitting the vote of the opposition vote, benefitting the incumbent.
Establishment of a Joint Tallying Centre: In an attempt to avoid potential miscounting of election ballots, some opposition political parties and independent presidential candidates agreed to form a joint tallying centre (JTC) to compute results from the January 14 polls. As a security measure, they declined to reveal where the JTC would be stationed or how it will operate. The opposition parties resolved to use technology and party structures to collect and relay results from polling stations across the country. This initiative is commendable as it mitigates against potential election counting fraud.
Electoral Commission Partiality: Incidents of EC’s partiality was on display during these elections. The EC released provisional election guidelines prohibiting mass campaign rallies. Instead, election campaigns were to be carried out via broadcast media. Chairperson Justice Simon Byabakama presented a “scientific electoral programme”, which prescribes online registration, virtual campaigns and several other events in line with guidelines in the fight against the coronavirus. In theory, this is a sound approach in the light of the Covid-19 pandemic. However, in practice, opposition parties expressed concern over this method of campaigning, contending that candidates would not get equal access to media coverage. In addition, further limitations of the EC’s impartiality were noted with the lack of response to the many claims and instances of abuse by the security forces against opposition candidates and supporters. Also, the restriction of some opposition party agents to observe polling stations on the day of voting was of serious concern, and not adequately addressed by the EC.
Incumbency Abuses: There is an urgent need to find a more systematic approach for all Electoral Commissions on the continent to find ways to stem incumbency abuses. In Uganda, campaign disruptions and violence at opposition rallies was a defined strategy by the incumbent seeking to undermine the success of the opposition’s election campaigns. He allowed the misuse of his office to spread fear amongst opposition candidates and potential voters by unleashing the security forces when he saw fit, while Museveni’s own rallies were untouched by the security forces and held with few disruptions despite drawing large crowds. Moreover, the rallies were held in contravention of provisional election guidelines released by the Electoral Commission disallowing mass campaign rallies.
International Election Observers: Because of the low number of international election observer teams deployed, some local embassies stationed in Uganda asked for accreditation as diplomatic election watchers rather than fully deployed international election observer teams. The major difference between a diplomatic election watch exercise and an international election observer team is the length of observation and mandate. An international election observer team usually involves months of observation of the electoral processes, the media coverage of elections, the campaigning of candidates, and the behaviour of security forces towards participating candidates prior and during the Election Day. In short, an election observer team is more beneficial to the tracking of the election processes while the diplomatic election watch, due to its composition, tends to focus on the election day process itself.
Additionally, the role of local observers becomes all that more important. As the Malawi case study showed, a more home-grown ownership of the election process can prove successful despite the absence of international election observer teams in these uncertain Covid-19 times.
Dr Craig Moffat is Head of Programme: Governance Delivery and Impact at Good Governance Africa.
While we wait for the official results to be verified and released, the following will provide a summary of events that took place on election day in Uganda
Most polling stations opened at 07h00 and closed at 16h00. Some polling stations inKampala and otherareas in northern Uganda opened late as polling material failed to arrive on time.
Confusion over new polling stations had some voters unsure of where to cast their vote. Many had not picked up their voter location slips,while some had received them but could not read where they needed to vote.
Biometric Voter Verification (BVV) devices, costing around US$22 million, were acquired for election day to help speed up voter identification and prevent voter fraud. Due to the internet shutdown and limited network connection, these BVV devices failed to work on the day, forcing election workers to revert to manual identification. The electronic devices are used to capture and verify details of voters before they can be issued with ballot papers.
In the Wandegeya neighbourhood in Kampala, frustrations boiled over as some of the youth waiting to vote refused to give elders and pregnant women preferential treatment.
Claims of Election Irregularities
In the Kira Municipality, reports of ballot papers being delivered with broken seals angered voters who said they would not cast their ballot unless the ballots were sealed.
At the Kireku Railway polling station, it is claimed polling material arrived with not only broken seals but some of the ballot boxes were half empty. Again, resulting in voters refusing to cast their votes until proper polling material arrived.
Protests broke out in Kashari County, Mbarara after a box containing ballot papers was stolen in transit to their polling station while voters were reportedly given pre-ticked ballots.
Outside of Kampala, in the western district of Bunyangabu, claims were made that some polling stations had not opened yet 2 hours later because voters had not shown up to witness the opening of the ballot material. The district has 92,440 voters and 184 polling stations.
Bobi Wine tweetedlate yesterday evening that election day had seen “widespread fraud and violence”, reports of violence on the day have yet to be verified. Soldiers and police continue to patrol the streets while votes are being tallied.
Alliance for National Transformation Uganda candidate Mugisha Muntutweeted that when he casted his vote, his polling agents had experienced rejection, arrests and intimidation.
Police raided Hotel Africana where civil society activists and election observers had set up to gather data from their colleagues from polling stations across the country. The police said they got word that the group had established an illegal parallel vote tallying centre. According to Sarah Bireete, around 20 of her colleagues had been arrested by police.
Uganda’s electoral commission confirmed that the internet shutdown would not affect the release of election results. Justice Simon Byabakama, head of the Commission, stated their internal mechanisms do not require local internet to share the results.
The internet shutdown remains in place.
Regional Election Observers
The East African Community (EAC) sent 74 election observers to observe Uganda’s presidential and parliamentary election this year. Head of the EAC’s mission, DomintienNdayizeye, said the objective would be to observe the electoral process and offer a balanced assessment. They have not released a preliminary report yet.
The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) sent a small election observer mission to just five districts due to limited funding and manpower.The Observation Mission was composed of 22 observers from IGAD Secretariat and Specialised Institutions and led by Siraj Fegessa, Director of the Peace and Security Division of IGAD.Initial statements from Fegessaallude to his team having observed some election irregularities.
The Women Situation Room deployed 1,500 observers in 30 districts, as an African Union initiative. They are a peacebuilding initiative that empowers women to be the leading force for democratic and peaceful elections.
Dr Craig Moffat is Head of Programme: Governance Delivery and Impact at Good Governance Africa.
Many believe the 2021 presidential election in Uganda will go to incumbent Yoweri Museveni, but his main rival, Bobi Wine, a young upstart, seems to have united Uganda’s youth and urban population under the hashtag: ‘We are removing a dictator.’
GGA SADC Executive Director Chris Maroleng weighs up Wine’s chances in this interview with television channel Newzroom Africa.
Twitter and Facebook have suspended several Ugandan government officials and ruling party accounts due to alleged manipulation of public debate on the platforms. Fake and duplicate accounts were used to engage with users and make officials seem more popular than they are. The Ugandan government rejected the accusations.
On Sunday 10th January, with only four days left to campaign, police arrested Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) candidate Patrick Amuriat. He was detained for an apparent traffic offence in the Mpigi District. Since his nomination to contest the elections, Amuriat has been arrested nine times.
Musician turned politician Robert Kyagulanyi, aka Bobi Wine, also a presidential candidate in the upcoming elections, speaks during a press conference in Kampala, Uganda, on January 12, 2021. Photo: Sumy Sadurni/AFP
A massive military presence has begun to occupy to streets of Uganda’s capital Kampala as the country prepares to vote tomorrow. The Ugandan government has claimed the military deployment was due to fears of mitigating post-election violence. Kampala residents have expressed concerns about the large military presence and acts of intimidation.
The U.S Embassy has issued a security alert to its citizens in Uganda to avoid election activity and remain vigilant over the follow days.
Internet and Social Media Shutdown
In response to Facebook and Twitter’s account suspensions, Museveni ordered Uganda’s communications regulator to have the country’s internet providers block all social media platforms until further notice.
On 11 January 2021, in a letter by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) and 54 other organisations called on Museveni to keep the internet connected during and after the polls.
A staff member gestures towards a screen displaying how a ballot paper should be marked during the upcoming elections at the electoral commission headquarters in Kampala, Uganda, on January 12, 2021. Photo: Sumy Sadurni/AFP)
International Election Observers
The short-term East African Community Election Observer Mission (EAC-EOM) began their duties yesterday morning after being deployed to various districts across the country. The Head of Mission Domitien Ndayizeye stated that the mission would be guided by the principles outlined in the African Charter for Democracy and the EAC’s Principles for Election Observation and Evaluation. He encouraged all political actors to avoid the incitement of illegal behavior and requested the media to exercise social responsibility.
S. Ambassador Natalie E. Brown to Uganda issued a statement over the decision to cancel their diplomatic observation of election day. She states that “the Electoral Commission of Uganda denied more than 75 percent of the U.S. election observer accreditations requested.” There was no explanation given for denial of accreditations.
European Union (EU) High Representative Josep Borrell expressed concern over the excessive use of force during the pre-election cycle in Uganda against opposition, civil society, journalists, human rights defenders and electoral experts. The EU did offer to send electoral experts, but this offer was not taken up.
In view of the fact that several international observers won’t be deployed, the role of local observers will be even more important than before.
A supporter of Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni speaks through a loudspeaker in Jinja, Uganda on December 4, 2020. Elections in Uganda take place on January 14, 2021, and will likely see Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni run for his sixth term in office, after being in power for 34 years. Photo: Sumy Sadurni/AF
Dr Craig Moffat sits in conversation with Lukhona Mnguni on Power FM where he unpacks the upcoming Uganda elections, providing an overview of the political election landscape. He also looks at the major contenders and strength of the opposition, as discussed in the Good Governance Africa article. The Head of Progammes for Governance Delivery and Impact also discusses Uganda’s position in the election and asks the question ‘Are elections a true indicator of a health democracy?’
o President Yoweri Museveni has served 5 elected terms
o 50% plus 1 vote needed for a candidate to avoid a run-off election
o 529 MPs will also be elected
Source: Uganda Electoral Commission 2021
After a year of several contested elections, the first election of 2021 on the continent takes place in Uganda. Incumbent President Yoweri Museveni is entering his 35th year in power and is the fourth longest-ruling head of state in Africa. The 76-year-old is hoping to get a new mandate for his 6th term as leader of Uganda and the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM). Museveni assumed power on the back of an armed uprising in 1986 and has defied the political laws of gravity which have seen other long-serving leaders removed from office.
Museveni’s rule, though controversial, has seen extended periods of peace and significant developmental changes. However, these positive developments have been accompanied by strong armed tactics to maintain his grip on power through various means such as nurturing a personality cult, employing patronage, compromising independent institutions and sidelining and silencing opponents.
Uganda heads to the polls on the 14th of January for what has already been described by the leading opposition presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi, better known as Bobi Wine, as a “war and battlefield”. This has led to growing fears that the election results may lead to an outbreak of violence in the post-election period.
There are 11 presidential candidates who were approved by Uganda’s Electoral Commission to participate in the 2021 general election. The NRM’s main political contender is the National Unity Platform (NUP) led byBobi Wine. An interesting development in the election run–upis Dr KizzaBesigye, who has run several election campaigns against Museveni,choosing to opt out of the election race andinstead, to ally himself withBobi Wine to help him gain more support.
Young Electorate Age
Uganda has one of the world’syoungest populations,with about 75% under the age of 30. Both the incumbent andBobi Wine are hoping to appeal to this young generation of voters. As this young voter pool is becoming more politically aware,the race to capture their vote has been intensifying. Young opposition supporters have become increasingly active and present in the political landscape due to improved media access and travel. The youth vote will be critical for the outcome of the election. Will they remain satisfied with the current political status quo or will they seek a new political order?
Posters of Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni, who is running for his 6th presidential term are seen on a wall in Kampala, Uganda, on January 4, 2021. Uganda gears up for presidential elections which is scheduled to take place on January 14, 2021, as President Museveni seeks to continue his 35-year rule. Photo: Sumy Sadurni/AFP
Outbreaks of Violence
Since the start of campaigning in 2020, nearly 100 incidents of violence have been reportedbetween security forces and citizens,with the month of November registering several incidents such as:
• 11th November – Thousands of NUP supporters gathered to see Bobi Wine. Police clashed with the supporters and fired tear gas and live rounds in Gulu.
• 13th and 15th November – Hundreds of NUP supporters again clashed with the police.BobiWine and his security detail were also injured in the clash whilst trying to reach their supporters. The UN expressed concern over the election violence and urged Uganda’s security force to respect human rights and avoid the use of force.
• 18th November –BobiWine was arrested, resulting in NUP supporters protesting and rioting, leading to several being shot and arrested.
• At the same time, Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) supporters also clashed with police as they attempted to attend a campaign rally for their leader, Patrick Amuriat.
• 19th November – At least 49 people were killed and over 100 wounded as NUP supporters clashed with police over the arrest. Protestors called for his release.
• 28th November – Violent riots broke out afterBobi Wine was arrested for allegedly violatingCOVID-19 regulations. Protesters clashed with the police and military as they fired live bullets and tear gas in Kampala.
• 27th December –BobiWine’s bodyguard, Francis Senteza, was killed after being runover by a military truck after trying to help injured journalists during a confrontation with police.
Using ACLED’s conflict data we took a closer look at how the pattern of violence over Uganda’s election campaign played out.
Because of the violence meted out to opposition leaders and their supporters in November 2020, several chose to suspend their election campaigns in protest:
• BobiWine suspended his election campaign on 1stDecember after the escalation of violence between his campaign team and government security personnel over November.
• Candidates Nobert Mao (Democratic Party), MugishaMuntu (Alliance for National Transformation) andHenry Tumukunde (Independent) alsosuspended their presidential campaigns due the ongoing violence and detention of opposition candidates and their supporters.
All the candidates resumed campaigning later in December,althoughclashes with government forces continued. To mitigate these campaign struggles, opposition leadership decided to join forces and sign a declaration that would promise collaboration during and after the election. The declaration hopes to ensure unity and cooperation between political players andpromote non-violence and constitutionalism in a hostile political climate.
In an attempt to avoid potential voting miscounting of election ballots, opposition political parties and independent presidential candidates have agreed to form a joint tallying centre to compute results from the January 14 polls. As a security measure, they have declined to reveal where the tally centre will be stationed or how it will work.The opposition forces are the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), National Unity Platform, Justice Forum (Jeema), Democratic Party, Alliance for National and Transformation, Renewed Uganda (RU) platform and People’s Government.In a joint statement, the opposition parties resolved to use technology and party structures to collect and relay results from polling stations across the country.
Electoral Commission Impartiality
The Electoral Commission (EC) released provisional election guidelines disallowing mass campaign rallies. Instead, campaigns are to be carried out via broadcast media. Chairperson Justice Simon Byabakama presented a “scientific electoral programme”, which prescribes online registration, virtual campaigns and several other events in line with guidelines in the fight against the coronavirus. Opposition parties expressed concern over this proposed election campaign programme, contending that candidates would not get equal access to media coverage.
Limitations of the EC’s impartiality has been witnesses with the unresponsiveness to the abuses of security forces against opposition candidates and supporters and a concern that thousands of Northern Ugandans in the village of Apaa may not be able to vote as they’ve been removed as an electoral area.
The ongoing campaign disruption and violence at opposition rallies has been a clear strategy by the incumbent seeking to undermine the election campaigns of his opponents. He misused his office to spread fear amongst opposition candidates and potential voters by unleashing the security forces when he saw fit. Museveni’s rallies have gone untouched by security forces, and few disruptions have taken place despite his large crowds.The Human Rights Watch expressed concern over the violence, and pointed out that NRM rallies carried on as usual whilst the opposition rallies were unfairly disrupted.Moreover, the rallies were held in contravention of provisional election guidelines released bythe Electoral Commission disallowing mass campaign rallies. Opposition parties have expressed concern over this so-called “scientific electoral programme”,contendingthat candidates would not get equal access to media coverage.
The COVID-19 pandemic has been relatively well managed by Museveni’s administration. With under 300 deaths, many Ugandans seem satisfied with efforts to curb the COVID-19 pandemic. As part of the government’s pandemic efforts, radios, televisions, money and food have been provided to citizens. It could be argued that these donations could be part of the government’s election strategy to increase its vote count.
Museveni’s government has imposed COVID-19 restrictions which have given him an advantage in supressing opposition campaigning. If the pandemic numbers are accurate, Museveni’s government has been successful at containing the virus, which may prove beneficial to his election efforts on the voting day.
Restricting Media Freedoms
A recent Afrobarometer survey concluded that a media-only election campaign would likely leave many Ugandans poorly informed, because the level of access to various channels of media remains low, and concentrated among young, more educated men in the urban centres.The survey also found only half of Ugandans think the EC is impartial, and fewer think of it as trustworthy.
In December 2020, the government revoked media accreditation for all foreign journalists, including those already registered to cover the election. Journalists have been requestedto reapply for registration within seven days and told that thisis to “ensure the industry is well-monitored and sanitized from quacks“. Journalist David Kalinaki of the Nation Media Group said: “the timing is very suspicious, both in terms of when it has been announced, and how much time has been given for conformity.”
Some foreign journalists attached to CBC News, a Canadian public broadcaster, who were already in the country to cover the election,have been deported. Mr Jacob Siminyu, the spokesperson of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, has declined to explain why the Canadian journalists were deported.
Election Observers Participation
The European Union has decided not to send their international observers to Uganda, as their recommendations during the 2016 election were not taken into consideration or implemented. Some of the recommendations included reforms to make the Electoral Commission body more independent, eliminate excessive use of force by the security forces, and increase transparency in tallying of votes. For the first time since the 2006 elections, the European Union Election Observation Mission will not have an election observer team deployed. Initially they claimed their non-deployment was due to the COVID-19 pandemic threat and ensuing travel complications, but it soon became apparent that Uganda’s non-adherence to previous election observation report recommendations appears to be the main issue. The EU sent a large number of election observers to Uganda for the 2006, 2011 and 2016 elections.This time, however,the EU delegation has written to the EC seeking to have a list of diplomats accredited to participate in an Election Watch Exercise on the polling days.
The major difference between a diplomatic election watch exercise and an election observer team is the length of observation and mandate. An election observer team usually involves months of observation of the electoral processes, the media coverage of elections, the campaigning of candidates, and the behaviour of security forces towards participating candidates prior and during the Election Day. In short, an election observer team is more beneficial to the tracking of the election processes.
The East African Community (EAC) has indicated they will be deploying election observers to the country in two phases –in December and January. The December deployment will be followed by a short-term mission in mid-January.
Lastly, In November 2021, South Africa’s Minister of International Relations and Cooperation offered to workwith Ugandan diplomats to assist in election cooperation and share “best practices” to assist their upcoming election process.
Dr Craig Moffat is Head of Programme: Governance Delivery and Impact at Good Governance Africa.
Monique Bennett is a senior researcher at Good Governance Africa. She has a keen interest in data science, data visualisation and statistics using the R programming language. Throughout her studies, research topics such as development, democracy and the environment within the context of developing countries have been her focus areas.